太公又要暫別聯網﹐在我話說離別感言前﹐先讓我唱首杜甫的唐詩﹕
『國破山河在﹐城春草木深﹔感時花濺淚﹐恨別鳥驚心。烽火連三月﹐家書抵萬金﹔白頭搔更短﹐渾欲不勝簪。』
面對明年大選﹐如何打臝這一仗﹐延續中華民國香火﹖
事實上﹐這事易。只是國人老是『內鬥內行﹐外鬥外行』﹐忙得很﹐瞎忙﹗就是沒空﹐看太公真誠之言﹐不聞不問錦囊。
其實﹐您若拆開此囊﹐其內也是無一字﹐天書﹖但是您若回看太公文﹐錦囊雖無字﹐太公早就在字裡行間﹐洩露天機﹐就是『易﹑如﹑反﹑掌』這四個字。現在﹐太公就 稍微公開錦囊奇計中的戰略思路。
選舉主軸口號﹕ 留住山河﹐無愧祖孫﹐立足台灣﹐堂堂站起（取諧音﹐唐山再起）。
留
－－－》劉兆玄﹐前副院長﹔前文『留讓宋王兩老拆開』﹐還特加藍。
住
－－－》朱立倫﹐一縣縣長﹔
山
－－－》山豬仔﹐即外省人﹔
河
－－－》河洛猴﹐即本省人。
無
－－－》無乃一切皆空﹐放開自己﹔不管紅藍綠紫﹐正氣願景互融﹔
愧
－－－》愧問本性良知﹐只求有利國民﹐則自反而縮﹐天下吾往矣﹔
祖
－－－》祖先基業千年﹐自然堅持﹐中國血液法統﹐不容外人擅改﹔
孫
－－－》孫兒福祉萬年﹐愛心關懷﹐台灣最後家園﹐恢復中原之地。
在心理上﹐要掌握全面社會主流意識﹐正面激發中興使命榮譽感﹐（其次﹐才言消極批判敗家子苟安心態﹐甚至避言﹐不造口業）﹐創造很合情理的新議題﹐以時間取向﹐反制以空間取向的『愛台論述』﹐搶攻選舉議論主題( agenda ）﹐讓老綠錯手不及﹐招架無力。這是領導潮流﹐極重要的社會工程（social engineering）﹔一部『無愧祖孫』的理論﹐面對國際現實﹐有國際宏觀﹐為台灣量身定位﹐也有主觀願景﹐寄期望於台海兩岸﹐涉及戰略及戰術﹐為士氣之基﹐為整体規劃的中心思想﹐太公不願﹑也不能在此詳述。
世局時勢﹕暫不言及國際﹐純就國內態勢（雖然二者應一氣呵成﹐理論流暢千里﹐無無瑕可擊）﹐看國內基本政治胍動﹐作為戰略主軸架構﹕
政体文化﹕美式民主﹐有馬戲風﹐專學落魄（ low ball﹐不提政策﹐就會抹黑栽贓術）﹔情緒鼓躁領風騷﹐無英制沈穩持重。
政界山頭﹕藍綠對峙﹐角頭林立﹐八大天王﹐互抹成灰﹐幫派權謀﹐個個無德﹐人人不敬﹐宛似華府﹐。
一般民心﹕厭倦藍綠﹐憎惡裂解﹐痛斥昏庸﹐期盼廉潔﹐能有清爽﹐再造中庸﹐恢復安樂﹐重創奇蹟。
史績參考﹕
（1）七十年代末﹐尼克森權謀無德﹐鄉巴佬卡特清爽﹐入主白宮。選舉獲勝主因﹐即為迎合厭倦華府政要權謀的人心。
處今日台灣﹐有那位中央級朝野政要﹐諸如馬﹑宋﹑王﹑及四大綠王﹐不是是非中人﹐爭議核心﹖有那一個能像卡特般﹐不被視為爛蘋果﹐能被各方認為新鮮可食﹐讓大部分國人認同﹑接受或不異議的﹖
僅管太公對王﹑宋兩公相當崇敬﹐法院也復宋公清白。但政治現實很清楚﹐經過長期抹黑﹐再如何也是『曾孫殺人』﹐難復原白。形勢如此逼人﹐無關是非﹐知美式民主者﹐當亦知大勢（註﹕中美兩者相較﹐卡特為小州州長﹐從未參與中樞機要﹔比台灣一縣之長﹐地位較低）。
（2）八十年代末﹐民主黨哈特﹐宣佈參選總統﹐被視為人民的『新期望』﹐民調第一﹐其光環不亞於今日小馬。但他在親台勢力影響下（不是台獨的『喊打』﹐而是杜二這個外省人的『愛盟』的『愛台』行動）﹐整裝前往台灣訪問前夕﹐爆發『食米風波』﹐就宛似小馬的起訴案﹐重創要害﹔僅管仍有死忠﹐他還是知大勢﹐立即宣佈退出角逐。稍後﹐他也像小馬『學』﹐要『直接訴諸選民』﹐選民給了他『清白』﹖沒有﹐他仍然註定出局。
1988 presidential campaign and the Donna Rice affair
In January 1987, Gary Hart was the clear frontrunner for the Democratic nomination in the U.S. 1988 presidential election. Hart officially declared his candidacy on
April 13, 1987" Poll Gives Hart and Bush Clear Leads for Nominations," New York Times, Jan 25, 1987, pg. 18 Rumors began circulating nearly immediately that Hart was having an extramarital affair. In an interview that appeared in the New York Times on May 3,1987 Hart responded to the rumors by daring the press corps: "Follow me around. I don't care. I'm serious. If anybody wants to put a tail on me, go ahead. They'll be very bored." Two reporters from the Miami Herald had staked out his residence and observed an attractive young woman coming out of Hart's Washington, D.C., townhouse on the evening of May 2. The Herald published the story on Sunday, May 3, the same day Hart's dare appeared in print, and the scandal spread rapidly through the national media. Hart and his allies attacked the Herald for rushing the story into print, claiming that it had unfairly judged the situation without finding out the true facts. The Miami Herald reporter had flown to Washington, D.C. on the same flight as the woman, identified as Donna Rice. Hart was dogged with questions regarding his views on marital infidelity. In public, his wife, Lee, supported him, claiming the relationship with the young woman was innocent. A poll of voters in New Hampshire for the New Hampshire Primary showed that Hart's support had dropped in half, from 32% to 17%, placing him suddenly ten points behind Massachusetts governor Michael Dukakis.May 8, 1987, a week after the Donna Rice story broke, Hart dropped out of the race. At a press conference, he lashed out at the media, saying "I said that I bend, but I don't break, and believe me, I'm not broken." A Gallup Poll found that nearly two-thirds (64%) of the U.S. respondents it surveyed thought the media treatment of Hart was "unfair." A little over half (53%) responded that marital infidelity had little to do with a president's ability to govern. December of 1987, Hart returned to the race, declaring "Let's let the people decide!" He competed in the New Hampshire primary and received 4,888 votes, approximately 4%. After the Super Tuesday contests on March 8, he withdrew from the campaign a second time.
（3) 毛澤東說『江山代有才人出﹐各領風騷數十年』。當領導﹐活在掌聲中﹐是很風光﹐但是放空想﹐四﹑五百位中國皇帝﹐今日安在﹖台灣十餘位行政院長﹐又幾人知﹖不做大官﹐而能留名者﹐比大官還多﹐如文首引用的詩人杜甫﹐他的官位﹐連抓他的外夷都認為沒有價值﹐不要他坐牢耶。
風騷數十年﹐這是極權政治才有﹔在民主社會﹐充其量﹐反過來說﹐十數年。就以小平同志﹐也充分体會及此﹐晚年無一官半職加身。王﹑馬已領風騷數十餘年﹐也應有智﹐体會『江山代有才人出』﹐這是太公言﹐『易﹑如﹑反﹑掌』之『易』的意思﹐不僅易人﹐還要易代﹗
人人說國民黨人才濟濟﹐當年有『馬力強』之說。但是今日馬失前蹄﹐不論為公為私﹐都難披戰馬袍﹐為何無人体諒及此﹐肆意獨行﹖也不見人才﹐僅見大老頭大光頭﹐效洪憲袁世凱搞『籌安』﹖為什三匹白馬﹐獨見小跛馬﹖太公知道學長『強』﹐腦力精敏﹐有過人才智﹐只是近來身体不強﹐夫人又出事﹐不好勞累﹔那另一匹上駟『力』馬﹐怎麼就無力﹐毫無聲音了呢﹖您不應該挺身而出﹐力撐大廈之傾乎﹖
（4）國人看三國﹐就見『忠義有情』﹐太公政治人﹐觀點有異﹔國人認為﹕孔明有大智大慧﹐故算命者常自稱『賽諸葛』。其實就政治總体言﹐為政者﹐首要在育人樹人﹐即為國家培育﹑塑造棟樑﹐有可用之才﹐立百年之基。孔明雖有小聰明﹐屢現智慧在戰術﹔但在戰略上﹐卻絕非上駟﹐否則怎會出現『蜀中無大將﹐廖化作先鋒』﹐人在政存﹐『人亡國亦破』﹖反觀鄧小平﹐一切就大異焉。
鄧能為政權謀﹐不僅指定下一代江澤民領導十年﹐更伸手欽定第四代的胡錦濤﹔王公宋公﹐又有何不能﹖當然﹐這違反所謂『民主』的什麼初選制度﹐但是為大局﹐有時不能墨守成規﹐得用『非常制』﹔例如﹐國民黨為小馬一人﹐修改『排黑條款』﹐放棄黨的形象﹐是非常措施。太公之言﹐與國民黨老昏庸的調調﹐形似實異﹐差別就在於全盤公益﹑個人私利的考慮。
看看這七年的國民黨﹐對整合泛藍﹐對同志排斥﹐特別是對小馬『被訴』的危機處理﹐一再的表現出『公正無心﹐改革無力﹐謀國無策﹐反對無能』﹐愧對國父及兩蔣﹔空有黨員直選及黨內初選之名﹐還是依然昏庸山頭把持﹐真讓人興起『把它作癈』的念頭﹐就效法國父蔣公般﹐重組薪火爐灶吧﹗
王宋二人﹐均能認識『時不我與』﹐放棄一切私人利益﹐有心『如來』﹐有天下大肚﹐天下為公﹐堅持衛國志節﹐仁人親民第一﹐為國薦才﹐共舉劉﹑朱﹐會有人反詰其心﹖只會贏得因公忘私的千秋美譽吧﹗
以劉朱兩人的資歷﹑經驗及品行﹐不但會讓泛藍的極端派﹐放棄『投癈』念頭﹐還會讓全台中間理性者﹐作政策遠見的抉擇﹐能欣然含笑﹐勇敢投下選票。
面對老綠儼然已成軍﹐泛藍仍群龍無首﹐以烏合之眾﹐如何迎敵﹖哈哈哈﹗一九八七年﹐在西雅圖﹐太公面對的局勢﹐比這樣還惡劣﹐卻也能制敵先機﹐命中要害﹐在十五天內﹐扭轉乾坤﹐讓對手潰不成軍。因此﹐請別先膽怯洩氣﹐衷心記住司馬懿名言『勝敗﹐在將﹐不在兵』﹐我們一定要宋王團結﹐劉朱領軍﹐背水一戰﹔除此﹐就無路可退。此仗若敗﹐恐怕泛藍就『三而竭』﹐從此潰散﹐吾人能不能昏庸﹐要很理智哦﹗
蓋奕棋笑談間﹐贏輸之掌﹐一反定局也。
註﹕太公此行﹐落腳聯網﹐又一個月﹐看看聯網﹐老友狂老藥癒﹐多位正人隱退﹐而其他人﹐不進還退﹐正如毛澤東說北大﹐『池淺王八多』﹐在聯網這個報屁股﹐太公也感嘆﹕『台灣妓生虫多』﹐前瞻讜言正論﹐無人看﹐秋後批鬥罵語﹐眾人推。此景﹐誠乃『以罵治天下』﹐頂多宣洩情緒﹐造次口業﹐下下策也。
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2樓. 華碩2007/04/07 13:07
1樓. 曾太公2007/04/07 02:53太公肉包打狗
迄今無人回應﹐太公肉包打狗﹐聯網人腦子僵也。
