翁山蘇姬無法應付,突如其來的軍事政變

與顏色革命,她被美國利用又被緬甸軍方拋棄.

很顯然的是她的政治前途提早結束喇.

 

美國主導的緬甸顏色革命,已經顯示出緬甸人民,要求美國派遣軍隊解救緬甸,由此觀之美國積極介入緬甸軍事政變除此之外,就是聳恿緬甸人炸毀中緬天然氣及石油管線,不得不防　.

Myanmar’s global standing has swung between pariah and darling—an oscillation that has been predicated almost entirely on human rights.Even if one were to leave aside for a moment the genocide of the Rohingya, the Myanmar military has shown itself to be incapable of maintaining peace and security within its own borders.

Myanmar’s Military Is Only Hurting Itself.As the U.N. warns of a continuing risk of genocide, Myanmar should seriously consider the last 30 years and ask if its security policies are helping anyone at all.

 

翁山蘇姬無法抗衡緬甸各方勢力,尤其是軍方,她過於依賴美國勢力,如今美國總統易位,更換執政黨,所以她的政黨與政府,自然隨者美國局勢而變化,只是軍方搶先下手,以軍事政變模式掌管國家,她則被軍拘禁,必須接受談判妥協,雖然美國放話支持她,甚至於不惜出兵緬甸解救翁山蘇姬,傳聞美國的海豹特種部隊,已經潛入緬甸肆機而動.

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  Who Is Aung San Suu Kyi?

What now for Aung San Suu Kyi?

美國鞭長莫及解決不了緬甸錯綜複雜的問題,只有顏色革命的作秀,但是緬甸的軍事政變的把戲鐵,定是受到中國支持的,否則美國不會教叫囂,可以出兵緬甸解救緬甸人民,由此觀之翁山蘇姬亦無法面對未知的未來,從她與中國及美國的元首握手言歡的煞那間,就決定了她的命運.

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AUNG SAN SUU KYI  SHE NEED CHANGE THE MYANMA ?

翁山蘇姬：Aung San Suu Kyi，，緬甸的政治家及作家，現任國務資政及緬甸總統府辦公室（英語：Office of the President of Myanmar）部長，被視為實際上的緬甸總理，政治地位僅次於緬甸總統。翁山蘇姬是全國民主聯盟的創辦人之一。

翁山蘇姬生於緬甸仰光，父親是被緬甸人民尊稱為國父的翁山將軍。

 

2016年3月接任緬甸外交部、總統府事務部部長，並短暫兼任教育部、能源部部長^]。

4月同時出任新設置的國務資政一職，被外界視為相當於緬甸總理的職務，成為實際上的領導人^]。

但是翁山蘇姬無法掌管,緬甸各政黨派系及軍方關係錯綜複雜化,無法統一指揮緬甸政府的運作,加上不同宗教種族之間的關係不和諧,緬甸長久以來許多地區,都是由軍人把持,換句話說就軍閥割據,群雄稱霸的局面.,2021年2月1日，她和其他政府高官在軍方政變中被拘留,西方國家稱為軍事政變,其中美國,中國,英國,印度等國家,皆有涉嫌,截自筆者發稿為止,緬甸情勢扔然持續惡化,且有愈來愈擴大跡象,尤其是緬甸北部諸邦,事實上早已是半獨立狀況,各自有不同的國家在幕後撐腰搞事,新聞媒體不易獲得資訊,.

 

Aung San Suu Kyi.她依賴中國與美國撐腰,腳踩2條船,左右逢場作戲都是假的,如今兩頭空,被軍方拘留且無訊息.她亦有可能流亡海外.

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MAH.是親中國或是親美國,視關重要緬甸的內戰一觸即發.

Myanmar Junta Seen Cozying Up to China if West Gets Tough .The military government that seized power in Myanmar will get along well with its authoritarian neighbor China in the long term, despite historical misgivings, and grow closer if international sanctions isolate the Southeast Asian state from Western powers, observers say.
 
Myanmar’s military took control of the country Monday and declared a year-long state of emergency. Civilian de facto head of state Aung San Suu Kyi, a Nobel laureate, was detained in the power shift, prompting condemnation from Western governments.
 
China might fumble at first to work with the new Myanmar leader, Min Aung Hlaing, because the military resents China’s involvement in a now suspended hydropower dam, cross-border shipments of Myanmar’s natural gas and other influence over the economy in the past 20 years, said Thitinan Pongsudhirak, a political science professor at Bangkok’s Chulalongkorn University.
  

If the West imposes severe sanctions, then “maybe the Myanmar military will have no choice but to turn to China,” Thitinan said. Diplomatic isolation and the thirst for foreign investment to stimulate the impoverished country’s economy would drive Myanmar toward China, analysts say.
 
China became Myanmar’s biggest trading partner in 2011, replacing Thailand, with imports and exports worth $5.3 billion that year. China mainly ships raw materials and equipment for investment projects, while Myanmar sends minerals to China. A 2,200-kilometer land border facilitates their trade.

 

 

美國CIA.東方黎明小組顯然是,幕後成功主導緬甸的顏色革命.

Myanmar Crisis Could Reset Toxic US-China Ties.

The announcement that the Biden administration’s top diplomatic and security team would meet their Chinese counterparts in Anchorage, Alaska later this week has led to unusually high levels of optimism despite the existing vitriolic nature of their relationship. The world’s two most powerful nations will now have the opportunity to exchange views and perhaps reset that relationship, which was moored to the ground under former President Donald Trump.

For the world, the Anchorage meeting will have significant ramifications if the US and China are able to forge additional common positions on transnational issues. At this critical moment, however, for the sake of the region, the two could collaborate to bring much-needed peace and stability to Myanmar, one of the world’s most diverse countries, in a move that would be considered “extreme cooperation”. President Joe Biden used the term “extreme competition” to characterize US ties with China when he took the presidency in January. The pendulum could now swing the other way.

Indeed, a coalition of willingness between the two has become a possibility due to Biden’s new attitude and desire to see firm and well-defined parameters in the US relationship with China. This approach allows both powers to sit down and work out their core interests. In Anchorage, US Secretary of State Antony Blinkin and National Security Adviser Jack Sullivan will meet with China’s two most powerful figures in foreign policy, Yang Jiachi, a member of the Chinese Communist Party’s Politburo, and Wang Yi, state councillor and foreign minister. What they agree or disagree on could see a recalibration of their relations in a way that theworld has never seen before.

Before Trump’s reign, the US and China were already working together on the Paris Accord on Climate Change, the Iran nuclear deal, North Korea’s denuclearization and the multilateral trade arrangement, to name but a few. Under Biden, new areas of cooperation would be possible if both sides can foster mutual trust and respect.

As far as the situation in Myanmar is concerned, support from the US and China is crucial to designing a durable solution to the current quagmire. Statements from the UN Security Council and the Quad (Quadrilateral Security Dialogue) over the last week strongly support ASEAN unity and centrality. It remains to be seen how ASEAN will be able to work with the conflicting parties inside Myanmar.

Since the February 1 coup, bloody clashes between protesters and the security forces in major cities in Myanmar have continued unabated, causing major concern about further loss of life and property. Worse, more killings could be ignited, as some armed ethnic groups have sided with the civil disobedience movement. They said they are ready to defend democracy under the National League for Democracy’s leadership.

From the junta’s point of view, the whole country must be placed under its control ahead of the scheduled Army Day on March 27, before any meaningful negotiation can take place. The junta therefore continues to use force to quell all possible shows of defiance.

After their informal meeting early in March, ASEAN leaders called on all sides to exercise the utmost restraint as well as flexibility, to de-escalate the situation and to release detainees, while also urging all parties concerned to seek a peaceful solution through dialogue via any constructive channels.

As such, all international and regional players have catalytic roles to play. The current COVID-19 pandemic requires all sides to work together to ensure that the virus does not spread further. The countries which share a common border with Myanmar are concerned that any major influx of Myanmar refugees due to the internal turmoil would further complicate the mitigation measures they have installed to prevent transmission of the coronavirus.

In particular, Thailand is now caught in a dilemma, as with more than 5 million workers from Myanmar, any disruption within the migrant community would have far-reaching repercussions on the host’s domestic political and economic situation. That helps explain why Thailand has adopted an extremely cautious diplomatic approach to the junta. Bangkok is also mindful of its own past political development, which required doable roadmaps and international support to end the current impasse.

So far, the West has exercised restraint in imposing sanctions against Myanmar, knowing all too well that broad sanctions against the junta would end up punishing the common folk. For the time being, the US and EU have targeted senior military officials who were involved in the power seizure. South Korea has stopped arms sales to the junta, while Australia has suspended defense cooperation. New Zealand was the first Western nation to end all high-level contact with the junta and banned their leaders from visiting the country.

The Anchorage meeting provides an excellent opportunity for the US and China to recalibrate their new relations. Both can compete and cooperate in the areas they see fit and which serve their mutual interests. The situation in Myanmar could be a game-changer in Alaska.

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 西方某大戰略研究所分析認為如下:

1:第二次世界大戰後中國,美國,英國,印度,對於緬甸的戰略利益自今尚未劃分清楚自始 自終都認為是緬甸的宗主國.

2:本世紀中國強勢崛起,使得緬甸許多地區主動向中國靠攏,尤其是緬甸北部地區的省份,其中許多自從第二次世界大戰的勢力範圍,由中華民國退守的軍隊領導掌握,時至今日雖然物換星移,人事已非,但是他們是心向中國的中國人及其後代子孫,在此地區奮鬥求生存.

 

3:中國大肆投資中緬天然氣管線及開發姣漂港,做為能源的戰略資源,由中東經由印度洋達到緬甸南部港口運輸,促進緬甸經濟發展,提供許多就業機會,期間美國多方阻撓,甚至於不惜買通親美的軍方出面干涉,如今天然氣管線完工開始運作,美國忌憚中國購買中東地區的大量石油及天然氣,經由中緬能源管線輸入到中國,厚植中國經濟建設實力,同時嘉惠緬甸經濟發展,讓緬甸實際脫離美國掌控,因此處心積慮的搞亂緬甸破,壞其與中國的關係,理所當然的對於翁山蘇姬恨之入骨,想盡辦法搞破獲.

 

 

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4:美國在第二次世界大戰期間與中華民國合作,制定反攻緬甸計劃,共同打擊日本軍隊,著名的孫立人將軍所領導的新一軍,在緬甸的戰場上有良好的戰績,除了協助美軍從伊洛瓦底江搶灘登陸外,更掩護美國空降部隊突擊緬甸成功,也解救英國軍隊7000餘人脫離日軍的包圍.

5:緬甸許多軍方扔然與中國保持密切合作,無論是昔時的中華民國,甚至於是當前的中國解放軍,他們多數是持有中國器裝備,至於親美的軍隊則是使用美國軍事武器及裝備.

6:美國曾經假借反恐之名,招募緬甸軍隊籌組成反恐特種部隊,全體美軍訓練模式,持有美國特種部隊標準武器裝備,但是美國別有用心,竟然用來打擊中國與緬甸邊境的駐軍,卻將事件導演成為遊擊隊騷擾邊境問題處理.根據以色列及俄羅斯軍事情報透露,由美國領導指揮的緬甸軍反恐特種部隊,曾經多次與中國邊防部隊交火(雲南)只可惜都以失敗收場,傳聞2010年某次大規模中國與緬甸邊境突擊戰,美軍特種部隊及緬甸軍反恐特種部隊死傷慘重,美國少校指揮官亦被俘虜,但是他們堅決不承認自己美軍.後經由特殊管道談判釋放.(請閱讀回覆精彩文章).

7:美國與中國的冷戰除了中國南海的對抗外,如今緬甸的軍方政變及顏色革命到處顯示出美國的幕後策劃與領導指揮,主要就是換掉翁山蘇姬,扶植親美人士上檯執政,對抗中國的滲透控制緬甸.

8:國際戰略專家研判翁山蘇姬可能被迫下檯流亡海外,這樣一來美國1魚兩吃,搞垮翁山蘇姬,此外的親美政黨會與中國談判,提高中緬天然氣管線及開發姣漂港的租金與縮短租期等等戰略利益,威脅中國.

9:美國與中國都歷經COVID-19.疫病的侵害但是中國已經恢復過來正常運作,美國則是千瘡百孔,千頭萬緒的政黨輪替.

10:北約國際戰略專家分析認,緬甸軍方亦是多頭馬車,各自為陣,北部地方都是親中派,南部地區則是親美派,他們之間的錯綜複雜的利益關係,容易被外國勢力利用,雙方開戰這樣一來就增加了內戰的危機.