（https://www.gurumag.com/pema-chodron-shambhala-cult/）
「利格登神父們已允許我進一步討論，」創巴常說。 「里格登家族是天界之王，」科爾森告訴我。 「創巴談到他會去香巴拉時進行催眠，里格登夫婦會給他看女人的照片並說，『你應該娶這個人，他們給他穿什麼、穿什麼制服、穿什麼鞋子的建議。
創巴告訴追隨者，里格登家族也支持他們。 「如果你完全了解香巴拉王國的願景，那麼你在建立自己的事務時就不會有任何問題……我可以以利格登神父的名義向你保證這一點。”
"I have been granted permission by the Rigden fathers to discuss further," Trungpa would often say. "The Rigdens are the kings of the celestial realm," Coulson told me. "Trungpa talked about having these trances where he’d go off to Shambhala and the Rigdens would show him pictures of women and say, you should marry this one, they give him advice on what to wear, what uniform, what shoes."
Trungpa told followers the Rigdens were supporting them as well. "If you are completely in contact with the vision of the Kingdom of Shambhala, you will have no problems in setting up your own affairs...I can assure you of that in the name of the Rigden Fathers."（https://www.gurumag.com/pema-chodron-shambhala-cult/）
當幾個人調查創巴巴是否真的就讀牛津大學時，發現他既沒有學習也沒有就讀聖安東尼學院，也沒有獲得牛津大學的學位。最近，當幾個人向教務處查詢時，證實他從未被牛津大學錄取。https://abuseintibetanbuddhism.blogspot.com/2024/03/david-suppans-analysis-of-chogyam.html?m=1
“Sakyong”，大致翻譯為“地球統治者”https://thewalrus.ca/survivors-of-an-international-buddhist-cult-share-their-stories/ （Nevertheless, in 1995, Mipham was enthroned as sovereign over Shambhala and dubbed with one of his father’s own honorifics: “Sakyong,” which roughly translates to “Earth Ruler.”）
The carrot at the end of the long stick is the promise of enlightenment, and thirty years later, as far as i can tell, this community is just as delusional as it was then, perhaps more so.
按照占卜的指示，又經過幾天的艱苦跋涉，他們到達了一個點，回頭一看，他們發現，如果選擇另外兩條山脊線中的任何一條，就會發現自己被困在深淵中，無法通行。https://www.chronicleproject.com/trungpa-rinpoches-mirror-divinations-during-the-escape/
Of Muktananda’s own sagely guru, Nityananda (who died in 1960), the following information is extant:
He was a born siddha [“perfected being”], living his entire life in the highest state of consciousness (Muktananda, 1999).
He was an omniscient being; still he appeared as if he didn’t know much....
Only occasionally would he speak; however, you could not understand him (Muktananda, 1996).
“He was the best of gurus; he was the worst of gurus,” etc.
[W]hen in his twenties, he would hide behind trees, patiently waiting for a cow to come his way. The moment the animal stood to drop a cowpat, he would rush forward, scoop up the dropping in midair, and then swallow it (Feuerstein, 1992).
Yum. Nor did such feasting exhaust the yogi’s interest in cows and their rectal output:
He would at times be seen in the middle of the road (there was hardly any motor traffic in those days), catching the dropping from a cow before it fell to the ground, putting it on his head, and then whistling just like a railway engine and chugging away, as children often do (Hatengdi, 1984).
“Woo-woo! Next stop, Looney Station.”
[Nityananda] would speak quite frequently about devotees who had the mentality of a crow. A crow, even in heaven, said Baba, insists on eating shit, because that is what he has been accustomed to. And this is exactly how these faultfinding devotees behave (Muktananda, 1996).
Cows, crows, choo-choos ... and more:
On another occasion, he besmeared himself from head to toe [i.e., including his lips] with [human] excrement. He sat near the lavatories, with large heaps of excrement piled in front of him. Each time a devotee passed him, he would call out, “Bombay halwa [sweets]—very tasty—want to eat? Can weigh and give you some” (Feuerstein, 1992).
South Park Yoga.
https://www.strippingthegurus.com/stgsamplechapters/muktananda.html
Chogyam Trungpa 和 Diana Mukpo 於 1970 年初飛往多倫多，並在蒙特婁停留了六個星期，同時申請美國簽證。幾位隨他們離開英國的桑耶林美國學生在佛蒙特州巴尼特購買了一個大型乳牛場，打算為創巴建立一個居住和教學中心。最初名為“虎尾”，1974年更名為“噶瑪卻林”，成為創巴在北美的第一個中心，也是他在北美首次傳法、岡波巴（sgam po pa，1079－1153）和密勒日巴（Milarepa）研討會的所在地。創巴仁波切進行了兩次重要的旅行，到其他地方任教：伯霍爾茨邀請他到加州任教，科羅拉多大學博爾德分校的一群學生把他帶到那裡，進行一系列講座，這些講座後來被稱為「突破精神唯物主義」 。
創巴的學生傑里米·海沃德後來解釋說，「瘋狂智慧大師的行為自然會在環境中製造混亂，打破傳統邏輯和他人有限、固定的參考點。」[61]這種混亂被認為具有解放的品質。這種說法是有歷史根據的；噶瑪噶舉傳統長期以來一直尊崇個別聖人，他們的行為震驚並冒犯了社會規範，揭露了輪迴的迷惑，使人們能夠洞察存在的真實本質。這個傳統尊崇的聖人主要是半神話人物，即大成就者，他們體現了密宗的理想。某些歷史人物也因其古怪的方法而受到崇拜，並被賦予“瘋狂瑜伽士”（smyon pa）的綽號，而酗酒和性活動往往是這些男人活動的一部分。近幾十年來，活動人士和學者們引起了人們對藏傳密宗剝削女性以提高男性宗教地位的悠久歷史的關注。
Trungpas student Jeremy Hayward later explained that "The actions of a master of crazy wisdom naturally create chaos in the environment that breaks through the conventional logic and limited, fixed reference points of others."[61] That chaos was believed to havea liberating quality. There is an historical basis for the assertion; the Karma Kagyu tradition has long venerated individual saints whose behavior shocked and offended social norms, exposing the delusions of saṃsāra and enabling moments of insight into the true nature of existence. The tradition venerates as saints largely semi-mythical beings known as mahāsiddhas who embody this Tantric ideal. Certain historical figures were also lionized for their eccentric methods and given the epithet of "mad yogis" (smyon pa), and heavy drinking and sexual activity was often a part of these mens activities. Activists and scholars have drawn attention in recent decades to the long history of exploitation of women in Tibetan Tantric Buddhism for the religious advancement of men.[62]
多杰卡鬆成員每年都必須參加日本武術和淨化儀式的夏季訓練。
Dorje Kasung members were required to do annual summer training in Japanese martial arts and purification rituals.
然而，在創巴仁波切的軌道上，所有加入的人都必須宣誓對創巴仁波切絕對忠誠。創巴 1978 年出版的《阿毘達摩一瞥》一書中指出，人必須將自己的身體奉獻給上師。在同年出版的《賦權》一書中，他寫道，人必須將自己作為禮物獻給上師。不這樣做會帶來嚴重後果。正如史蒂文·巴特菲爾德（Steven Butterfield）所描述的那樣，學生們被教導，如果他們與未受啟蒙的人討論教義，就要祈禱可怕的死亡，並且他們被告知，如果他們試圖離開社區，他們「將遭受難以忍受的、微妙的、持續的痛苦」 ，」而災難會「像憤怒一樣追趕他們。人來說，這是特別邪惡的重生。
In Trungpas orbit, however, all who joined were expected to pledge absolute fidelity to Trungpa. Trungpas 1978 book Glimpses of Abhidharma states that one must give ones body to the guru. In Empowerment, also published the same year, he wrote that one must give oneself as a gift to the guru.[77] Not to do so entailed serious consequences. As Steven Butterfield described it, students were taught to pray for a horrible death should they discuss the teachings with the non-initiated, and they were told that if they ever tried to leave the community they "would suffer an unbearable, subtle, continuous anguish," and that disasters would pursue them "like furies."[78] Students were taught about "vajra hell," the particularly vicious rebirth for those who rejected or spoke badly of their teachers.[79]
創巴巴的新禮節並沒有大大改變他在講堂中的方法。米達爾描述了他如何在 1984 年的卡拉巴集會和金剛界神學院，在任意時間開始演講，一天凌晨三點一直持續到白天，另一天下午六點開始。並且十一點後才結束。米達爾評論說：“這樣，黑夜變成了白天，白天變成了黑夜。晚上七點，是時候準備早餐了。學生們因此而放棄了他們通常的參考點。”創巴的弟子們慶祝這些“混亂的局面”，他們相信這些“混亂的局面”可以“以意想不到的方式獲得解放”，並在迷失方向時增強了他們對上師的虔誠。
Trungpas new formality did not greatly alter his methods in the lecture hall. Midal describes how, at the 1984 Kalapa Assembly and Vajradhatu Seminary, he began his talks at random hours, one day at three a.m. and continuing into the daylight hours, another day starting at six p.m. and only ending after eleven. Midal comments that "in this way, night became day, and day became night. At seven in the evening, it was time to organize breakfast. The students were thus led to abandon their usual points of reference." Trungpas disciples celebrated these "situations of chaos" which they believed could "liberate in unexpected ways" and, in their disorientation, magnified their devotion to their guru.[80]
各種說法都聲稱，創巴尊者在 1976 年和 1977 年的研討會上發表多次演講之前，多年來一直在思考香巴拉的含義。後來又增加了更多細節。正如米達爾所描述的，1976 年 10 月 25 日晚上，創巴大師收到了一個視覺標記——香巴拉傳統現在稱之為灰燼——其中包含了伏藏教法。創巴大師向學生們要了筆、筆和紙，然後把圖像放下來。撒骨灰仍然是香巴拉中心的主要做法。額外的教法經典——用英文寫成——在數年的時間裡來到了創巴，他將“多傑扎杜”（Dorje Dradul，rdo rje dra dul）作為自己的寶號。創巴堅稱這些寶藏的來源是林格薩爾。他聲稱，這位神秘的西藏民間英雄是蓮花生大士的化身，而蓮花生大士又是大多數西藏寶藏啟示的來源。
Various narratives assert that Trungpa continued to mull over the meaning of Shambhala for years before giving several lectures at the 1976 and 1977 seminars. More details were added later. As described by Midal, on the night of October 25, 1976, Trungpa received a visual mark—what the Shambhala tradition now calls the ashe—in which the treasure teaching was contained. Trungpa asked students for brush, pen, and paper, and put the image down; drawing the ashe continues to be a central practice in Shambhala centers. Additional scriptures for the teaching—written in English—came to Trungpa over the course of several years, and he took as his treasure name Dorje Dradul (rdo rje dra dul). Trungpa maintained that the source of the treasures was Gesar of Ling. This mythical Tibetan folk hero, he claimed, was an emanation of Padmasambhava, who is in turn the source of most Tibetan treasure revelations.[82]
https://treasuryoflives.org/biographies/view/Eleventh-Trungpa-Chogyam-Trungpa/11231
锡良
(1851~1917)，字清弼，蒙古镶蓝旗人。同治十
贾大泉，陈世松主编,四川通史 卷6 清,四川人民出版社,2010.03,第202页
三年(1874）中进士，历任知县、知府、按察使、布政使及山西巡抚、河北巡
抚、热河都统等职。光绪二十九年(1903）三月调署四川总督。至光绪三十三
贾大泉，陈世松主编,四川通史 卷6 清,四川人民出版社,2010.03,第202页
年(1907）正月，锡良督川4年，厉行新政，
在经济、军事、文化、教育诸方面建树尤多，
主要有：(1）首倡自办川汉铁路，“以辟利源
而保主权”；(2）建立健全办学机构，严格奖
惩制度，延聘外国教习，派遣留洋学生，重
视师资培养，创办四川通省师范学堂，数年
间四川办学成绩在全国名列前茅；(3）继续
开办警察，编练新军，创办各类军事学堂，
练成新军10营；(4）设立劝工总局、矿务调
查局、农政总局等机构，振兴四川工商实业；
(5）创办《四川官报》，作为四川推行新政的
喉舌；(6）支持川滇边务大臣赵尔丰在川边
藏区进行改革开发，等等。
贾大泉，陈世松主编,四川通史 卷6 清,四川人民出版社,2010.03,第203页
因此希望能将瞻对收回川属，以绝祸本。他指出，“徼外措处，全视三瞻。盖其人雄长于诸番之中，其地错处于川边之内，番情向背，随之转移。而我沿革损益，莫不因之重轻，以此计其得失”。随着解决瞻对军事行动的顺利进行，此时若不予以收回，“愈恐难图”。因此，他提出解决方案，一方面由清廷“寄谕有泰明告商上，以保固川边，必应收回之故，勿稍疑贰，兵费照前筹给”，“一方面准由川省檄谕番官回藏，瞻民内附，无待招携。其建置事宜，即由赵尔丰率师前往，妥为筹划”。但他表示，解决瞻对问题的关键，仍在清廷，“必廷议定而后众志始坚，要荒永靖，事机贵速”。①在向清廷阐明收瞻重要性的同时，锡良还说明了瞻对的现状。经过巴塘一役，番众投诚，关外百数十土司部落“莫不履忠效顺”，“边务不至胡酹，藩篱可期永固”o②可见川省方面正在逐渐控制并稳定瞻对地方的统治，形势正朝着有利于收回瞻对的方向发展。因此，清廷认为筹划巴塘、里塘善后事宜时机已熟，同意四川方面“乘此机会将三瞻地方收回内辖，改设官屯，俾资控驭”，并饬令“有泰、联豫即行削切开导商上，晓以保固川边，必应收还瞻对，令将所派番官撤回，毋稍疑贰，兵费仍照前筹给，以示体恤”。③于是，四川方面开始积极筹划。锡良认为，川、藏号为毗连，相距六千余里，形势之足以控藏而固川者，厥惟巴、里两塘。而巴塘距边千数百里，非先经营里塘，声势必致隔绝。然而，里塘地方自归藏属以后，当地边员、戍兵形同虚设，“坐视凶僧、悍匪之鸦张”，以致当地诸番“只知有藏、卫，不知有国家，而藏番亦遂夜郎自大，顽梗于先，专擅于后，上烦朝廷西顾之劳”。④因此要增强对当地的管辖，“必先清肘腋之患，始可作远图之计”。⑤他所谓肘腋之患是里塘所属乡城地方之桑披岭寺喇嘛。该寺有喇嘛数千人，在堪布普中乍娃领导下，恃众逞凶，挟制邻近番夷，先是抗纳夷赋，继则迁
①《锡良致电军机处请收回瞻对以弭边患》（光绪三十一年九月初六日），《清末川滇边务档案史料》上册，第66—67页。②《凤全建祠请谥折》，《锡良遗稿：奏稿》，第539页。③《军机大臣电寄锡良奉旨着手收回瞻对并相机酌办里塘改流事宜》（光绪三十一年九月初八日），《清末川滇边务档案史料》上册，第67页。④《官军攻克桑披逆番折》，《锡良遗稿：奏稿》，第584页⑤《剿办桑披寺逆夷片》，《锡良遗稿：奏稿》，第554页。
连振斌著,锡良与清末新政,华夏出版社有限公司,2022.04,第77页
怒焚杀纳赋之夷村，并袭杀里塘僧众。清廷虽曾于光绪二十三年派兵进行围剿，但为该寺所击败。该寺异常凶残，先是将守备李朝福父子三人肢解，后来又将俘获之游击施文明杀害并剥皮实草，置于寺中，宣示其威。清廷因外患方亟，无力西顾，故对其采取羁縻政策，以致其势愈张。除了不纳年赋外，该寺僧众还多次威胁不允清廷在里塘通往西藏的大道上设站供差，严重危害了当地的社会秩序和清政府的统治。到了此次巴塘战役时，该寺又与巴塘寺僧遥为呼应，首先撤去供应站，在知道清军粮食不足的情况下将该境常年运祟里塘之粮食，全部遏祟。与此同时，该寺喇嘛还声称要防备清军，紧急建造大炮，阻断道路，深挖坑道，做好作战准备。当时赵尔丰鉴于巴塘尚未肃清，故对该寺采取怀柔政策，派员前往劝谕，但该寺不为所动。随着巴塘战事的结束，该寺喇嘛有了危机感，胁迫邻近之稻坝、火珠尔村入伙，并强行将两村的财粟掳运入寺。由于该寺处于巴塘、里塘中间地带，皆八站之遥，山路极险且复杂，加上该寺有喇嘛数千人，寺墙以大石垒筑，其高相当于城垣，并且内外层密布炮楼多座，因此有人认为不宜轻主用兵。锡良认为，该寺僧所为乃公然叛逆之行为，“舍此弗诛，边事固不堪问，巴、里两塘亦将终非我有”。①于是，他饬令赵尔丰会同已革广西补用道钱锡宝率军前往讨伐。赵尔丰由巴塘派营分路进攻，钱锡宝则由里塘中渡进军，共分为六路。当时雪深草枯，乌拉不能用，清军不得不自带粮食冒雪前行，在距该寺二三站地方，遇到伏击袭营，经痛击获胜，转战而前。双方又在地势最险之马格喇山进行大战，清军经力战获胜，乘势击毁炮碉三十余座，对桑披寺进行围攻。鉴于该地山径复杂，处处可通，距离云南仅数十里。为防止该寺喇嘛逃跑并且断绝其后援，锡良致电云贵总督丁振铎，要求云南方面严防边境。②然而，该寺四面环山，依山麓而建，寺外筑石城二重，中实以土，坚固异常，用三磅炮连击亦不能少动。附城错列坚碉十余座，后山石碉守之尤严，加上四周碉楼栉比鳞次，异常繁多。清军久攻不下，只得将其围困。而
①《官军攻克桑披逆番折》，《锡良遗稿：奏稿》，第585页。②《致云南丁循帅电》（光绪三十二年正月初五日），《锡良督川时办理桑披巴里泸军务往来电稿》，中国社会科学院近代史研究所图书馆藏，档号：甲374-120。
连振斌著,锡良与清末新政,华夏出版社有限公司,2022.04,第78页
该寺因早有准备，粮食储备丰富，因此退缩寺中，并昼夜迭出攻袭，“数月以来，几于无日不战，无战不恶”，虽经击退，但清军亦难有进展，反而有所损失。赵尔丰认为“此非可以力取”，要求各营分守要隘，稳扎稳打，并表示要饬造攻具，亲赴前线。①对此，锡良表示同意稳扎严备，并建议采取“断其汲道”的方式，②实现突破。于是，赵尔丰到达该地后积极寻找水道，查知“其取水，暗掘地道，引入寺内，源源不绝，而河流甚长，无从得其引水之处”。③经过进一步调查后，发现该水道在寺院后山，双方又进行了激烈的战斗，经过三昼夜之力，清军将这一水道堵掘。但由于桑披寺粮食和水都储备充足，清军围困数月之久，仍难以攻破。此时，清军出现粮食困难，只能以苞米牛皮煮草而食。到了光绪三十二年闰四月，断水颇久的桑披寺方才开始缺水，作书缱城往求外援，其余喇嘛决定在该月十八日夜间开城杀出。该书为清军所得并译出，到了十八日，堪布普中乍娃以无水难支，欲率众冲出，旋被击伤后自杀，清军遂进行猛攻，枪毙数百名，生擒百余名，最终攻克该寺。赵对俘虏逐一讯供，查明多为胁从，仅戮凶恶者三四人，余均准其投诚释放，诸番皆降，乡城乃定。④光绪三十二年八月初五日，赵尔丰最终将逃亡之喇嘛人员镇压，至此，川省方面完全掌握了瞻对地区。至于开导西藏地方当局，有泰表示“此次收瞻内属，系自宸衷独断，非前次有人建议可比”，因此“遵即译行商上，并将喝布伦等传集署中，督饬委员，削切开导”，并且亲自出面“逐层驳饬，力破其愚”，“先后译行文字，不下数千言，开导各语，则唇焦舌敝”。但是，西藏地方当局不肯交还瞻对的立场相当坚定，有泰的开导，非但未见丝毫效果，甚至不了了之。⑤后人认为，“驾驭开导，固属困难，而有泰又失诸推诿因循”，“是藏之速叛，有泰
①《军督宪钧鉴》（光绪三十二年正月初八日）.《锡良督川时办理桑披巴里泸军务往来电稿》，档号：甲374-120。②《致赵道电》（光绪三十二年正月初九日），《锡良督川时办理桑披巴里泸军务往来电稿》.档号：甲374-120。③《军督宪钧鉴》（光绪三十二年正月十八日）.《锡良督川时办理桑披巴里泸军务往来电稿》，档号：甲374-120。④《西康建省记》，第9-10页；《官军攻克桑披逆番折》，《锡良遗稿：奏稿》，第585—586页。⑤《复四川总督锡为收瞻开导藏番函》，《清季筹藏奏牍》，第42—43页；《赵尔丰与瞻对改流》，第32—34页。
连振斌著,锡良与清末新政,华夏出版社有限公司,2022.04,第79页
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