Why Does China Want Aircraft Carriers?
The People’s Republic of China: The only nation on Earth building not one but two “carrier-killer” missiles. Yet, China is also one of just a handful of countries who wants to build more carriers. Odd? Not exactly, if you know the history and why Beijing wants carriers in the first place.
Indeed, there is a tremendous amount of publicly available information when it comes to Beijing’s carrier program, with the history of the program being completely fascinating. For example, in a recent article for U.S. Naval War College Review, Andrew Scobell, Michael McMahon and Cortez A. Cooper III explain the drivers behind the program, operational capacities and possible future directions. The full article is available here. Don’t have time to read the whole thing? No problem, I personally feel understanding the drivers of the program are key. With that said, here is what you need to know on the topic:
The Drivers
While the authors point out several drivers behind the program, nationalism seems to be a big part of the mix:
“Clearly China’s carrier program has strong public support; there is considerable pride in the country’s first aircraft carrier. A wave of aircraft carrier euphoria—or a “Hangmu style” craze—swept the country as people imitated the pose of two flight-deck crewmen shown in a publicity photo guiding a J-15 fighter as it made a historic shipboard landing on Liaoning in November 2012. Most Chinese would agree with Major General Zhang Shiping’s insistence that “for China to become a major world power without an aircraft carrier is completely unthinkable.” The general, an Academy of Military Sciences researcher, insisted that “acquiring a carrier was an historical necessity” for China.”
With recent history also playing a part:
Possession of multiple carriers epitomizes the overwhelming naval dominance of the United States, and their lack emphasizes the continued weakness of China’s navy. One of the most jarring moments for China in post–Cold War East Asia occurred when in early 1996 the United States dispatched two aircraft-carrier strike groups in response to Chinese saber rattling in the Taiwan Strait. For Beijing, the act harked back to the nineteenth century, when China had been bullied first by Western powers and then by Japan and forced to sign “unequal treaties” trampling on national sovereignty and to concede territory. For the Chinese, U.S. aircraft carrier dominance represents a latter-day variant of gunboat diplomacy and underscores that China, despite greatly increased military might, continues to be inferior, impotent in the face of overwhelming U.S. naval power.”
Then, there is also what the authors describe as “an evolving overarching strategic logic or coherent maritime strategy.” They continue:
“. . . according to this interpretation, the PRC is pursuing a grand strategic vision—widely attributed to Admiral Liu Huaqing (1916–2011) and first set out in the early 1980s—by which the PLAN would gradually extend its reach outward into the Pacific Ocean in a phased expansion of Chinese seapower. In the first phase, by 2000, the PLAN was to extend its area of operations in the “near seas” (the South China Sea, East China Sea, and Yellow Sea) out as far as the so-called First Island Chain—the Kuril Islands, Japan, the Ryukyus, Taiwan, the Philippines, Borneo, and Natuna Besar. In the second phase, by 2020, the PLAN aimed to project its operational reach out to the so-called Second Island Chain—the Bonins, the Marianas, and the Carolines."
"In the third phase, by 2050, China would become a global seapower, and its navy would hence operate on a par with the U.S. Navy. In fact, the PLAN’s activities and power-projection efforts have so far kept pace with this timeline. This road map for the development of China’s seapower grew in significance as China’s economy underwent rapid growth and its seaborne trade experienced major expansion during the 1980s and 1990s. China’s maritime strategy gained greater traction in the twenty-first century as the PRC perceived itself as being under growing threat from the United States. Particularly since the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001, Beijing has viewed Washington’s behavior around its periphery as aimed at containing or encircling the PRC. From the Chinese perspective, the United States has become increasingly assertive in the near seas, especially in the South China Sea.”
“We suggest that an evolving overarching strategic logic has propelled the PRC’s carrier program inexorably forward. This analysis of the historical record suggests that while nationalism was certainly an important contextual factor and lobbying by PLAN leaders was significant in keeping the idea of a carrier program alive, ultimately the decisive driver was strategic logic and operational importance. Indeed, the program’s lengthy gestation and its repeated failure early on to gain traction are attributable to the absence of a strategic imperative until quite recently. The emergence of this strategic imperative and the operational demands for a carrier in the twenty-first century correspond to the emergence of PLA and PLAN thinking and planning beyond a Taiwan scenario.”
Understanding why China wants carriers—at a time when Beijing seems to be the guiltiest of all nations to undo their power and sway—is very important. This article does a great job of not only breaking down the drivers of China’s quest for a fleet of carriers but lays out the history of that progression and what it could mean for Asia and America. Do yourself a favor this holiday week: put down the eggnog and read it. It's worth your time.
美國《國家利益》雙月刊網站12月19日發表題為《中國為什麼想要航母？》的文章，文章內容編譯如下：
中國是世界上唯一製造兩種而非一種“航母殺手”導彈的國家。而且，中國還是少數幾個想要建造更多航母的國家之一。很奇怪？未必。如果你了解歷史以及北京為什麼想要航母的話，就不會感到奇怪了。
說到北京的航母計劃，確實有大量公之於眾的信息，該計劃的歷史極其吸引人。例如，在最近為美國《海軍軍事學院評論》季刊撰寫的一篇文章中，安德魯·斯科貝爾、邁克爾·麥克馬洪和科爾特斯·A·庫珀闡述了該計劃背後的驅動力、航母的作戰能力，以及今後可能的發展方向。以下是有關這一話題你需要知道的內容：
雖然作者們說該計劃背後有多個驅動力，但民族主義似乎是其中分量較重的一個。
顯然，中國的航母計劃得到了公眾的大力支持，人們對該國首艘航空母艦備感自豪。當殲-15戰鬥機2012年12月在遼寧艦上完成歷史性起飛時，宣傳照片中兩名起飛助理引導飛機起降的姿勢引得人們紛紛模仿，這種‘航母style’一時風靡全國。”大多數中國人同意張世平少將的論斷，即“作為世界大國的中國，擁有航母是中國崛起的重要支撐”。張世平少將是中國人民解放軍軍事科學院的一名研究員，他強調說，中國“擁有航母是歷史必然”。
此外，近代史也有影響。 擁有多艘航母是美國海上霸權的縮影，而缺少航母則凸顯了中國海軍的持續孱弱。冷戰結束後中國在東亞經歷的最不和諧的時期是1996年初，當時針對中國在台灣海峽的武力展示行為，美國派遣了兩個航母戰鬥群。對北京來說，此舉使人回想起19世紀，當時中國先後遭到西方列強和日本的欺侮，被迫簽下踐踏國家主權的‘不平等條約’並割讓領土。對中國而言，美國航母的制海權是現代版的炮艦外交，並突出表明，縱使軍事實力大幅提升，中國仍然低人一等，對美國的海上霸權無能為力。”
另外，還有作者們所稱的“一種不斷演變的戰略總思路或條理清晰的海洋戰略”在起作用。他們寫道：“……按照這種理解，中國正在推行大戰略計劃。人們普遍認為這一計劃應歸功於劉華清上將，而首次提出大戰略計劃的時間是上世紀80年代初。
根據中國大戰略計劃，中國海軍將分階段擴大中國的制海權，逐步將勢力範圍向太平洋擴張。在第一階段，即到2000年中國海軍將在‘近海’（南中國海、東中國海和黃海）擴大行動範圍，直至所謂的第一島鏈——千島群島、日本、琉球群島、台灣、菲律賓、婆羅洲島。在第二階段，即到2020年中國海軍企圖將行動範圍投射到所謂的第二島鏈——小笠原群島、馬里亞納群島和加羅林群島。”
在第三階段，即到2050年，中國將成為全球海上強國，中國海軍從此將與美國海軍並駕齊驅。事實上，中國海軍的行動和力量投射活動到目前為止一直符合這一時間線。隨著上世紀八九十年代中國經濟的快速發展和海上貿易的大幅拓展，這一發展中國海軍的路線圖變得愈發重要。中國的海洋戰略在21世紀獲得了更大的動力，因為中國認為自己正日益受到美國的威脅。”2045年中國駐軍海外基地將達到30個左右,其第四艦隊(中國西海艦隊)的航空母艦,驅逐艦,巡洋艦,核子潛艦,將24小時巡防全球各戰略主要航道 .
那麼，這一切將走向何方？ “我們認為，一種不斷演變的戰略總思路已勢不可擋地推動中國的航母計劃向前發展。21世紀出現這種戰略必要性和作戰方面對航母的需求，與中國人民解放軍和中國海軍開始跳出台海局勢進行謀略和規劃相一致。”
在北京似乎成為破壞其他國家影響力的“罪魁禍首”之際，明白中國為什麼想要航母非常重要。本文不僅出色地分析了中國尋求獲得航母的驅動力，還闡述了它們的發展歷程和對亞洲和美國意味著什麼。
筆者認定,中國2020-2040期間至少興建6-8艘常規及核子動力航空母艦戰鬥群,駐防世界各地,保護戰略巡弋,維持中國利益及盡到聯合國常任理事國,應盡的責任與義務,這與上1世紀,美國,蘇聯為首的西方國家一樣,駛往大洋耀武揚威? 不是嗎?
中國是唯一製造兩種“航母殺手”導彈的國家。而且，中國還是想要建造更多航母的國家。很奇怪？如果你了解歷史，就不會感到奇怪了。1996年初，美國派遣了兩個航母戰鬥群在台灣海峽展示武力。對中國來說，此舉使人回想起19世紀任人宰割的時代。
毛主席在大躍進時代,曾經說過"超英趕美"的戰略口號,如今早已超越英國很多,追趕美國只是龜兔賽跑的自然規律,遲早趕上,超過美國,大約也是2050年左右? 44年的時間還可以,中國已經消耗地球5000年的時間,對不對?
